top of page
TAP-LargeApplication-FullColor-200px.png

</s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s>

वैकल्पिक प्रोजेक्ट (परियोजना) संबंधी बयान

सामाजिक बदलाव के लिए शैक्षिक न्याय: कार्य के लिए एक ढाँचा (प्रारूप)

</s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s>

हम, अधोहस्ताक्षरी लोगों का मानना है कि वर्तमान सामाजिक, आर्थिक, राजनीतिक और शैक्षणिक व व्यवस्थाएँ सत्ता के उन संबंधों को पुनस्र्त्पादित करतीहैं जो असीम असमानताओं हैं और धरती पर जीवन के लिए ख़तरा पैदा करतीहै.हम वैकल्पिक शिक्षा शास्त्र और सुधारात्मक शिक्षा प्रणालियों का समर्थन करतेहैं जो एक संपन्न, न्यायसंगत og सतत दुनिया बनाने के लिए सामाजिक बदलावोंका समर्थन करेंगी।

सह-अस्तित्व और अंतर-संबंधित वैश्विक संकट माऔा og जीवित ग्रह कोराजनीतिक, सामाजिक, आर्थिक og पारिस्थितिक ध्वंस की ओर धकेल रहे हैं। येसंकट - मौजूदा समय में दुनिया भर में कोरोनो वायरस महामारी , संरचनात्मकअसमानताओं, पुलिस क्रूरता और नस्लवाद, व्यापक पितृसत्ता, जलवायु अराजकतामें बढ़ती तेज़ी और युद्धों के निरंतर बढ़ते खतरे के तौर पर देखे जा रहे हैं- वैश्विकतौर पर पूँजीवाद और सैन्यवाद से संचालित हैं . हमें इस अनोखे ऐतिहासिक मौकेका इस्तेमाल सार्वजनिक शिक्षा पर फिर से विचार करके और उसमें क्रांतिकारीपरिवर्तन के जरिये गहरे बदलाव के एक ऐसे प्रवेश बिंदु के तौर पर तैयार करनाहोगा जो मानव एकता और सहयोग का निर्माण करेगा और नस्लवाद , पितृसत्ताऔर पूँजीवाद को समाप्त करेगा. हम इस धारणा को खारिज करते हैं कि शिक्षाकी प्राथमिकता 'मानव पूँजी' का निर्माण करना है; हम इस बात को मज़बूती केसाथ कहते हैं कि्शिका की प्राथमिकताओं में फिर से पैदा होने वाले पारिस्थितिकतंत्र तथा तथर्तमान और भावी पीढ़ियों के लिए लिए सामाजिक न्या इसके लिए ऐसी शिक ष ष ण ण ण म नि म म म है है है है है है हें क सकते में

नये सामाजिक समझौते बनाने के लिए प्रगतिशील संघर्ष आवश्यक हैं जो कुछ केनिहित स्वार्थों के बजाय बहुत सारे लोगों के सामूहिक हितों को साधने का कामकरते हैं। मानव इतिहास जटिलता की पूरी एक श्रृंखला और शक्ति संबंधों केजरिये तैयार किए गए अंर्तसंबंधित सामाजिक परिवर्तनों को परिलक्षित करता है : कृषिवाद से लेकर औद्योगीकरण, औपनिवेशिक विजय के रास्ते अधिनायकवादीतानाशाही, पोस्ट उपनिवेशवाद, नव उदारवादी वैश्वीकरण और डिजिटल क्रांतियोंऔर सर्विलांस पूँजीवाद पूंजीवाद तथा राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा की स्थिति के बीच मिलीभगत जो आज हम लोगों के सामने है।

प्रत्येक नया वर्चस्वशाली वर्ग एक ऐसी विचारधारा को पैदा करता है जो उसकेवर्चस्व को बनाए रखने का काम करती है, उन असमानताओं को न ठह ठह ठह और इस निराशावाद को बढ़ावा देती हैकि परिवर्तन हमेशा संभव है। ये वैचारिक वर्चस्व लगभग हमेशा उस दिशा में बढ़नेके लिए तैयार रहता है और ऐसी शिक्षा प्रणाली का निर्माण करता है जो सुदृढ़ , पदानुक्रमित मान्यताओं और कठोर दोहरी अवधारणाओं जैसे मानव / गैर-मानव, पुरुष / महिला, मन / शरीर, धर्मनिरपेक्ष / आध्यात्मिक, श्रेष्ठ / हीन, शहरी / ग्रामीण, हम / वेपर जोर देती है- और मानती है कि उसे जीतने तथा प्राकृतिक दुनिया और सभीजीवित प्राणियों का शोषण करने का अधिकार है। वैश्वीकरण और जलवायुपरिवर्तन के कारण दुनिया भर में उभरते समकालीन अधिनायकवादी , राष्ट्रवादी, पितृसत्तात्मक और बसने वाली औपनिवेशिक आबादी, इन विरोधाभासों को तेज़करती है और अपनी पकड़ मजबूत करने के लिए सामाजिक असुरक्षा को उकसानेका काम करती है .

आज दुनिया भर की शिक्शिका प्रणालियां नवउदार पूंजीवादी और दक्षता के विचारों, लौटने की दर, विकल्प, प्रतियोगिता and और आर्थिक प्रगति के नज़रिये को ध्यान में यह विचारधारा वैश्विक अर्थव्यवस्था और राष्ट्रीयराजनीतिक प्रणालियों को आकार देने के लिए समृद्ध पराराष्ट्रीय कारपोरेशनों औरबे -हिसाब शक्तिशाली अरबपतियों को शामिल करने की क्षमता रखती है जोअंतत : हमेशा निकालने वाला, कार्बन आधारित, आर्थिक गतिविधियां और अबाधितउपभोग और पारिस्थितिक में बेहद पतन के नतीजे के तौर सामने आती है। इस तरहसे संगठित हुई शिक्षा प्रणालियां सामाजिक असमानता, बिलगाव og देश og केभीत og राष्ट्रों के पैमाने पर स्तरीकरण को लागू करने के स थ द प Og भी मौजूदा वर्चस्व को जब तक यह परिलक्षित करती है किशिक्षा भी मुकाबले का एक बड़ा क्षेत्र है। अधिनायकवादी राज्य इस बात को अच्छीतरह से जानते हुए कि शिक्षा बदलाव की एक ताकत हो सकती हैरे-धीरे इसकोनियंत्रण और औ्ञाकारी हथियार के तौतौ प

नतीजे के तौर पर बहुत सारे बच्चों और युवा लोगों के लिए यह दुनिया बे-रंग होजाती है। उनके द्वारा हासिल की जाने वाली शिक्षा की गुणवत्ता सामाजिक-आर्थिकस्तरों og उनके परिवारों की भौगोलिक लोकेशन के हिसाब से बंट जाती है। शिक्षाज्यादातर प्रतियोगात्मक बाज़ारों में तैयार होती है जो नस्ल , वर्ग और लैंगिकअसमानता जहां निजी मालिक और ठेकेदार तथा शिक्षक एवं छात्र प्रतियोगिताकरते हैं और फिर उनकी लागत क्षमता और मानक टेस्ट के हिसाब से रैंकिंग होतीहै : एक उपभोक्तावादी शिक्षा मॉडल सीमित सरकारी बजट के मुकाबले मानकों केगठन , मानव पूँजी के निर्माण og लौटने की आर्थिक og तथा पैसे के मूल्य परकेंद्रित करता है। यह मॉडल मानव अपवादवाद, नस्लीय पूर्वाग्रह और श्वेत प्रभुत्व, मतभेद के नकार, आर्थिक और राजनीतिक असमानता को वैध बनाना, उच्चतमव्यक्तिवाद, अबाधित आर्थिक विकास, बड़े-बड़े दावों का खुला स्वागत औरतानाशाही शासन के अनुपालन की व्यवस्था को लागू करता है . इसका इसक नतीजावह विचित्र अंतरविरोध है कि मानव इतिहास में सबसे ज्यादा शिक्षित आबादीसामूहिक ूप से जीवित ग्रहों की प ण ण प प

पिछले तीस सालों के दौरान सिविल सोसाइटी और शैक्षिक यूनियनें सभी के्लिएशिका की आकांक्षा की लगातार वकालत करती ही ही हैं हैं हैं त त त ज़्यादातर परिवार अब ऐसा मानते हैं कि अपने बच्चोंके भविष्य के लिए 8-12 वर्ष की स्कूली शिक्षा पूरा करना बहुत जरूरी है। औरज्यादातर सरकारें मानती हैं कि बच्चों og युवाओं को मुफ्त शिक्षा मुहैया करानाएक अच्छी सरकारी नीति है। लेकिन हम लोग इसको हासिल करने के मामले मेंइसके आस-पास भी नहीं हैं। कुछ हिस्से में, पिछले चार दशकों के बाजार केकट्टरतावाद के चलते बड़े पैमाने पर सामने आए संरचनात्मक अन्याय ने सामाजिकक्षेत्रों में लगातार खर्चे को कम किया है और सभी तरह के सरकारी गतिविधियों कोअप्रभावी और नाजायज़ तौर पर पेश कर अपमानित किया है . नतीजे के तौर परशिक्षा के og खर्चा बेहद बेहदर्याप्त हो गया है og ज्यादा फंडिंग की जरूरत है।राष्ट्रीय सरकारों और द्विपक्षीय और अंत्बहुपक

ऐसा नहीं कि पैसा नहीं है; सरकारों के पास हमेशा सेना, पुलिस, सुरक्षा औरखुफियागिरी og कारपोरेट कल्याण og खर्च करने के लिए पैसा होता है। इसविचार से लड़ने की दिशा में हमें नव-उदारवादी निजीकरण के एजेंडे को आगे बढ़ानेके लिए कमी को एक मिथक़ केर पर और आत्फ़ को एक सोचे-समझे गएनीतिगत विकल्प के रूप में पेश किए किए प प हालांकिशिक्षा पर खर्चे के लक्ष्य को पूरा करने के मामले में एक वैश्विक सहमति है। यहांतक कि ज्यादातर सरकारें अपने बजट का 20 फीसदी og जीडीपी के 6 फीसदीशिक्षा and खर्च के अपने लक्ष्य को भी पूरा नहीं कर पातीं। अंतरराष्ट्रीय समुदाय नेदशकों से अपनी का 0.7 फीसदी करकारी विकास सहासहा and खर्च करनेका वादा किया था लेकिना इसका एक छोटा हिस्सा ही उसके लिए आवंटित कर और ये सभी लक्ष्य जरूरत को बहुत कम करके आंकते हैं।

हमें इन तर्कों को सार्वजनिक og पर भी स्थापित करका ना होग समस्या फंडिंग केपार है। आईएमएफ और विश्विश बैंक जैसी अंतरराअंत्ट्रीय संस्थाएं नव उपनिवेशवादीसंस्थाएं हैं जो पूरे विश्व में नव उदार, तथाकथित वाशिंगटन आम सहमति कीनीतियों को बढ़ावा दे रही हैं। शिक्षा विभाग की नीतियों (और दूसरी सामाजिक) कोप्रभावित करने में आईएमएफ और विश्व बैंक की महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका है। शिक्षा मेंसहयोग देने के बजाय आईएमएफ वास्तव में देशों को शिक्षकों og दूसरेसार्वजनिक क्षेत्र के वर्करों को हायर करने पर र लगा रहा है। विश्व बैंकवस्तुपरक सलाह के लिए एक रिसर्च आधारित संस्था होने का बहाना बनाता हैलेकिन उसकी पिछले चार दशकों श शर्तें and सिफ़ारिशें नव उदार विचारधारा पर आईएमएफ और विश्व बैंक में ओवरहालिंग के लिए एक नयी ब्रेटनवुड कांफ्रेंस बुलाने का यह सबसे बेहतरीन समय है।

हम क्रांतिकारी बदलाव का आह्वान करते हैं। सभी सरकारों को प्राथमिक शिक्षा सेलेकर उच्च शिक्षा के लिए मुफ्त सार्वजनिक शिक्षा की व्यवस्था को स्थापित करनाचाहिए जो एक महत्वपूर्ण , सहभागी, हम कैसे सोचते हैं उसका लोकतांत्रिकपुनर्मूल्यांकन करने और दुनिया में एकजुट होकर काम करने के योग्य बनाएगा.शिक्षा को एक मानव अधिकार के तौर पर मुहैया कराने के लिए एक पूरत तरह सेपब्लिक फंडेड सिस्होन होना चाहिए जो राष्ट्रीय og वैश्विक प्रगतिशील, पुनर्वितरणकारी og क्रणालियों ज़ ज़रिए टिकाऊ आधा औरयह सब कुछ अंतरराष्ट्रीय समुदाय की शर्तहीन सहायता के साथ हो। लेकिनपाठ्यक्रम को पूरी ताकत से उपभोक्ता जटिलता को विनम्रता पूर्वक खारिज करदेना चाहिए जो ग्लोबल वार्मिंग और तबाही को बढ़ावा देने का काम करते हैं.समुदायों के पारंपरिक ज्ञान को सहयोगी , सामाजिक एकजुटता, प्रेम, कल्पना, सृजनात्मकता, निजी संतुष्टि, शांति, पर्यावरणपक्षी, लोकतांत्रिक और मानवीयमूल्यों को बढ़ावा देने वाली शिक्षा में बदलने के प्रयास होने चाहिए.ध्यापकों कोपेशागत स्वायत्तता , गुणवत्तापरक कार्यस्थितियां और यूनियन तथा दूसरे संगठनों केज़रिए नीति निर्माण में मुख्य आवाज़ के तौर पर शामिल किए जाने की जरूरत है.उसी तरह से छात्रों और उनके प्रतिनिधि संगठनों को राजनीतिक और शिक्षा शास्त्रसंबंधी फैसले में भी प्रतिनिधित्व होना चाहिए इसके अलावा उनकी अपनीभागीदारी के अधिकार का उनको ज्ञान होना चाहिए।

सामाजिक बदलाव के लिए दुनिया को शिक्षा में क्रांतिकारी पुनर्दृष्टि की जरूरत है। इसके लिए एक नये सामाजिक समझौते की जरूरत होगी जो सैन्य og सुरक्षासंबंधी ख़र्चों के मुकाबले सामाजिक ख़र्चों को तरजीह देता है और व्यावसायिक क्षेत्र के क क जिसमें एडटेक फर्म्स, निजी स्कूलोंकी श्रृंखलाएं og शिक्षा से जुड़े अन्य व्यावसायिक खिलाड़ी शामिल हैं। हमशिक्षा के निजीकरण और दूसरी सामाजिक सेवाओं की दिशा में ढाँचागतपरिवर्तन का आह्वान कर रहे हैं। जिसमें शिक्षा और नीतिगत निर्माण में व्यवसाय केतर्क को बिल्कुल बाहर रखा जाना है। इसके बजाय हम संगठित छात्रों औरअध्यापकों, पूरे ट्रेड यूनियन आंदोलन, लोकतांत्रिक समुदाय आधारित आंदोलनों- जिसमें अल्पसंख्यकों के संगठन, प्रवासी और शरणार्थी शामिल हैं- और स्वतंत्रमीडिया, संगठनों और प्रोफेशनल जो गलत चीजों में हमारे न्याय बढ़ाने के संकल्पोंको साझा करते हैं , वास्तविक समाज जिसमें हम रहते हैं, के संघर्षों पर ज़ोर देते हैंऔर उनसे सबक सीखते हैं। ये समूह पहले ही शैक्षिक न्याय के लिए विकल्पविकसित कर चुके हैं जिसमें स्कूल और गैर औपचारिक शिक्षा प्रोग्राम शामिल हैंजो 21 वीं सदी के समाजवादी, स्थानीय और ब्लैक संप्रभुता, ब्लैक लाइवस मैटर, दास-प्रथा विरोधी और महत्वपूर्ण शिक्षा शास्त्र को समर्थन करता है .

शिक्षा में न्याय चार क्षेत्रों में जस्टिस से संबंधित न्याय को आगे बढ़ाने पर निर्भरकरता है:

सामाजिक न्याय- शिक्षा का निर्माण समानता और सामाजिक बदलाव

शिक्षा प्रणालियों को उस नई दिशा में ले जाने की जरूरत है जो अपने समाजों कीअसमानताओं और अन्यायों , नस्लीय भेदभाव को बढ़ावा, लैंगिक और विकलांगतान्याय को हल करे और ऐसे मॉडल को शामिल करने की जरूरत है जो इस बात कीशिक्षा देता है कि कैसे सामुदायिक रूप से काम करते हुए शिक्षा और समाज कोबदलाव की तरफ ले जाना है।

जलवायु न्याय- इस बात को सीख़ना है किरध पर कैसे हम पुनर्उत्पादक जीवनगुजार सकते हैं

हमें वैश्विक स्तर पर एक नई ग्रीन डील og सार्वजनिक शिक्षा प्रणालियों कीजरूरत है जो मानव पारिस्थितिकी औ गुणों के क औ औ औ औ औ औ औ औ औ औ

आर्थिक न्याय- बदली हुई अर्थव्यवस्था में शिक्षा और दूसरी सार्वजनिक सेवाओं कावित्तपोषण

आर्थिक प्रणाली को लाभ के बजाय समानता और अवसर पर केंद्रित करते हुएसभी लोगों की असली ज़रूरतों को पूरा करना चाहिए। इस महामारी को पूँजीवादपूंजीवाद से बिल्कुल दूर एक बुनियादी बदलाव और कार्यस्थलीय लोकतंत्र तथारेडिकल रूप से एक पुनर्वितरित अर्थव्यवस्था वाले दौर के तौर पर चिन्हित कियाजाना चाहिए जो राष्ट्रीय और अंतरराष्ट्रीय स्तर पर सभी की सेवा के लिए प्रोग्रेसिवटैक्स और प्रोग्रेसिव खर्चे को प्राथमिकता देता हो .

राजनीतिक न्याय- सभी स्तरों पर राजनीतिक रिश्तों का पुनर्गठन

हमें सर्वसत्तावादी and उन्मादी राष्ट्रवाद से दूर जाने की जरूरत है। हमें वैश्विकएकजुटता को ऊर्जावान बनाने, अंतरराष्ट्रीय सहयोग को सुनिश्चित करने औरवैश्विक स्तर पर अलग-अलग हिस्सों में चलने वाले ज़मीनी आंदोलनों को मजबूतकरने पर ज़ोर देना हमें स्थानीय, राष्ट्रीय og वैश्विक स्तर og और ज्यादासमावेशी og भागीदारी लोकतंत्र को विकसित करने की जरूरत है।

ये शुरुआती विचार कोई दूरस्थ, काल्पनिक मृगतृष्णा नहीं हैं। ये दुनिया के बहुतसारे प्रगतिशील समूहों और संगठनों के विचारों og कार्यवाहियों के आधार परनिर्मित किए गए हैं। हम अधोहस्ताक्षरी इन विचारों को, धरती og मानवता केसामने आए गहरे संकट का मुकाबला करने के लिए शिक ष प औ तौ तौ सम ज ज

</s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s>

</s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s> </s>

PDF på engelsk

bottom of page